Above The Law

The Story of DynCorp International

Apr 30, 2026

We live in a world of pressure from above and pressure from below, you feel this wittingly or unwittingly if you’re in the middle of the population distribution. The small top percentage pressures the majority that make up the middle and also activates and incentivizes the lower percentage, the lower percentage are usually the lower functioning and more malleable, thus they are used to apply pressure to the middle.1 The Kosher Right refers to this as Communism or Marxism, but in today’s day and age it is nothing of the sort. What this is in fact is Anarco-Tyranny, a term coined and made famous by the late Sam Francis which I have discussed previously in other posts.2 Francis described this concept as the below:

“In the United States today, the government performs many of its functions more or less effectively. The mail is delivered (sometimes); the population, or at least part of it, is counted (sort of); and taxes are collected (you bet). You can accuse the federal leviathan of many things—corruption, incompetence, waste, bureaucratic strangulation—but mere anarchy, the lack of effective government, is not one of them. Yet at the same time, the state does not perform effectively or justly its basic duty of enforcing order and punishing criminals, and in this respect its failures do bring the country, or important parts of it, close to a state of anarchy. But that semblance of anarchy is coupled with many of the characteristics of tyranny, under which innocent and law-abiding citizens are punished by the state or suffer gross violations of their rights and liberty at the hands of the state. The result is what seems to be the first society in history in which elements of both anarchy and tyranny pertain at the same time and seem to be closely connected with each other and to constitute, more or less, opposite sides of the same coin.”3

Modernity and Post-Modernity along with the governing and economic systems that came with the paradigm are built and run on massive amounts of fraud and perverse incentives stacked on top of each other. The source of this is that Liberalism, in all of its variations including Conservatism, is at war with Natural Law and Humanity at a fundamental level and therefore top-down and corrosive social engineering has to be impressed upon the population to coerce them into compliance. Thus, a very small elite class wield the power over the population and can weaponize the lower functioning of it as a proxy army against the middle when they see fit to maintain control.4 Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson explains this condition in an article analyzing Walt Whitman’s work, Dr. Johnson writes the following:

“America began its political existence as a loose federation of 13 independent states, but by the time of Walt Whitman’s adulthood, it became something of an empire. Violent coercion is something he couldn’t accept, and its rejection lies at the heart of many of his poems. His Romantic vision revolves around the fact that everyone is connected: nature, humanity and thought are all one object.
Industrialization is prefaced on the idea that man is above nature and, even more, that it’s man’s job to “correct” the “flaws” in the natural order. That this period was also the height of the British global empire is not a coincidence. From Malthus to Darwin to Nietzsche, man was seen as an agent (and victim) of conquest. Other than the mind of the elite, the world was dead matter waiting to be formed into something “real.”
Logic and “truth” were reinterpreted as man's control over nature (including human nature) became more powerful. Put differently, nominalism rejects any necessary connections among objects. No truths are inherent to nature and, as a result, truth is relative and conventional. From this, it is not a difficult jump to then justify any and all coercion. Nominalism leads to oppression. Slavery and the violence industrialism are the results of the nominalist idea because, in order to “correct” nature, the very idea of a natural order had to be destroyed.”5

In an enforced Nominalist paradigm were truth is relative and therefore justice is also, enables a corporation like DynCorp International to exist, thrive, and ultimately never be brought to answer for their crimes. DynCorp is one aspect, a pinhole, into the fraud and perverse incentives stacked on top of each other as already mentioned. DynCorp, like similar entities are deemed to be untouchable and beyond reproach by the Oligarchic Regime, has a dizzying array of misdirection and obfuscation designed for its deeds to be so maddening to follow that even if it were fully exposed no one would really care to deal with the crimes.6 Brian DePalma’s 1981 classic Blow Out is an example of this put on film.7 It has enough layers to avoid the eyer of general public attention and is so in bed with power that those who have the ability to bring it to justice couldn’t even if they wanted to. Beyond this issue is general public nescience, you could poll a thousand random people in a big city and it is a strong possibility not one person would know anything about DynCorp or even heard it mentioned before.

The points made by Dr. Johnson dovetail with the writing of Francis Parker Yockey in his observations of the Materialist mindset, which is an outgrowth of Nominalism. Yockey states the below in his magnum opus Imperium:

“In the Gothic religious times, the Western form of the idea of immortality of the soul was formed and developed. With the age of Materialism, this became caricatured into the immortality of the body. The doctor of medicine became the priest of the new religion, and a whole literature glorified him as the ultimate human type, since he was saving life. And yet, shocking though it is to these people, Death continues to accompany Life. 20th century wars take more lives than 19th century wars. The generations continue their procession to the grave, and even the most cowardly materialist, who can never admit that anything living will ever die, goes the way of the materialists in the other eight Cultures.”8

Origins & Mainline History

The above is the metaphysical backdrop for how and why a company like DynCorp comes to be and continues to exist unimpeded. DynCorp begin in 1946, it was originally incorporated in Delaware in January of 1946 as California Eastern Aviation by “a group of World War 2 pilots”, you cannot find the names of these men but Jorge Carnicero of Porsche fame was apparently the public and forward facing head of this group. CEA flew commercial freight liners from coast to coast of the United States, but the company was not profitable and by 1950 had filed for bankruptcy. It then appears to be co-opted or bought in full by the US military as a “uncertified carrier” meaning it did not have to follow the standard regulations of commercial or private airlines and other aviation companies now that it was a military contractor or owned by the military in toto, ownership isn’t made clear in the available documentation. The name was then changed to California Eastern Airways which purchased a company named Land-Air Incorporated in 1951, a company that was contracted with the US Air Force and maintained aviation maintenance. In 1961, it was renamed again to Dynalectron Corporation due to its “growth and diversification of services.” In 1987 it was again rebranded as DynCorp International. Per usual, in the arena of private military contracting, the level of government ownership of the company in these decades is not available or made clear.9 Below is a run down of bullet points of the companies trajectory over the decades:

Key Dates:
1946: Pilots returning from World War II form CEA air cargo business.
1951: CEA merges with AIRCAR civil aviation services company.
1961: CEA is renamed Dynalectron Corporation.
1964: Hydrocarbon Research, Inc. is acquired.
1976: Dynalectron restructures and relocates to McLean, Virginia.
1987: Dynalectron becomes DynCorp.
1988: Management buyout takes DynCorp private following a hostile takeover attempt from Miami financier Victor Posner.
1994: Annual revenues reach $1 billion as company focuses on IT.
2001: Growth in local and state government services helps push backlog to $6 billion.
Company History:
“DynCorp, one of the largest employee-owned firms in the United States, has not been a very high-profile company, yet its behind-the-scenes logistics support operations for the Defense Department are extensive. The company provides ground support for Air Force One, maintains the State Department’s telephones, and contracts coca (cocaine) eradication missions in Colombia. The U.S. Department of Defense accounts for a little less than half of DynCorp’s total revenues. Some of DynCorp’s earliest customers, such as the White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico, have remained loyal to the company for more than 50 years. CEO Paul Lombardi expects continued growth, most especially in providing services to state and local governments, due to the lack of a dominant player in that highly fragmented market.”10

After DynCorp’s relocation to McLean, Virginia to be in proximity of the DOD and the DC beltway apparatus it continued its expansion. In the span of 30 years from 1976 to 2006, DynCorp acquired 19 different companies. With the expansion the company was divided into different sectors or “operating groups” such as: Special Contracting, Energy, Government Services, and Aviation. One of the main areas DynCorp became heavily involved in was coal and synthetic fuels, some of their clients were Texaco, Ruhrkohle, and Itochu.11

In 1988, DynCorp shifted to being a private company to avoid a hostile takeover by the pioneer of the tactic, Miami based Jewish businessman Victor Posner, who was notorious for his asset stripping and exerting various leverage campaigns on numerous companies.12 On into the 90’s DynCorp continued to expanded and grow profits. In 1997 they got into, of all things the vaccine industry after partnering with a British company named Porton. This venture contracted exclusively with the Department of Defense mainly producing smallpox vaccines for military personnel.13

Moving to the new Millennium, DynCorp continued to acquire companies from various industries that fell under its operating groups model, the aviation sector of the company by this time had become a massive conglomerate in its own right. Along with this, DynCorp gained a toehold in the IT industry, by 2003 nearly half of DynCorp’s total gross revenue was generated from IT management services provided to the CIA, FBI and SEC among other government agencies. A WIRED Magazine article from the same year sheds light on the post-Cold War defense structure that Washington embarked on and that DynCorp handsomely profited from. Michael Grecco of WIRED wrote the following:

“DynCorp represents nothing less than the future of national security. While outfits like Raytheon make their money developing weapons systems, DynCorp offers the military an alternative to itself. In 2002, the company took in $2.3 billion doing what you probably thought was Pentagon work. DynCorp planes and pilots fly the defoliation missions that are the centerpiece of Plan Colombia. Armed DynCorp employees constitute the core of the police force in Bosnia. DynCorp troops protect Afghan president Hamid Karzai. DynCorp manages the border posts between the US and Mexico, many of the Pentagon’s weapons-testing ranges, and the entire Air Force One fleet of presidential planes and helicopters. During the Persian Gulf War, it was DynCorp employees, not soldiers, who serviced and rearmed American combat choppers, and it’s DynCorp’s people, not military personnel, who late last year began “forward deploying” equipment and ammunition to the Middle East in preparation for war with Iraq. DynCorp inventories everything seized by the Justice Department’s Asset Forfeiture Program, runs the Naval Air Warfare Center at Patuxent River, Maryland, and is producing the smallpox and anthrax vaccines the government may use to inoculate everyone in the United States.
That security work earns DynCorp about half its bread and butter. The other half comes from serving as the information technology department of just about every three-letter national security, law enforcement, and defense-related agency of government, as well as the more peaceable kingdoms of the Departments of State and Justice, the Federal Aviation Administration, the Securities and Exchange Commission, and the Centers for Disease Control. Among its lucrative contracts, DynCorp is networking all the American embassies abroad, taking the government’s emergency phone system wireless, and building a 29,000-terminal computer network for the FBI called Trilogy. As many as three dozen companies do contract work for the Pentagon, and many more sell IT services to the Feds. But DynCorp is special, because it manages both bits and bombs for Uncle Sam.”14

As the WIRED article makes light of, DynCorp was a kind of chimera that could fulfill and deliver on any military or military adjacent function the Pentagon was looking to implement. Due to the USG refusing to scale down its force projection, structure, and mindset in the post-Cold War world, DynCorp was the prefect customer to fulfill the make-work operations around the world and to maintain the bloated and out of date apparatus of Zionist-American global hegemony.15 By the time CSC or Computer Sciences Corporation acquired DynCorp in 2003, 98 percent of its business (amounting to 2.3 billion at the time) was tied to the federal government. DynCorp benefited greatly from the impetus in Washington to “privatize everything” that expanded beyond even what Ronald Reagan could have dreamed of post-9/11.16 In a way, DynCorp could be a “go-to” for nearly anything the Pentagon wanted done that it didn’t want to do itself or be held responsible for.

Privatized Crime

While nothing stated so far seems to be overtly criminal or sinister, the labyrinth nature of DynCorp coupled with its near total integration with the US Government, along with the irrationality of the post-Cold War foreign policy mindset presented the conditions for malfeasance and criminality to become manifest. When delving into the history of DynCorp’s operations around the world as a client of the Pentagon, a disturbing picture begins to take shape. It becomes clear that DynCorp was being used as a proxy to engage in activity that the USG did not want tied back to them, or that Congress would not permit the military to engage in. Pulling from the same WIRED article, the perverse nature of this relationship emerges:

“It’s the expansion of private firms into core functions of the military that is, for many, an alarming trend. A State Department spokesperson told me that DynCorp, with its “wide range of capabilities and experience,” is now crucial to many security functions. Some of these are basic, like piloting planes. But when the government hires DynCorp to oversee the withdrawal of Serb forces from Kosovo or guard the Afghan president or spray crops in Colombia, critics say the motivation is less a need for technical expertise than a desire to conduct operations Congress won’t let the military do, and to keep potentially messy foreign entanglements at arm’s length. In other words, DynCorp and its brethren exist to do Washington’s dirty work.
Private contractors and subcontractors operating abroad are subject to neither US law nor the military code of conduct. They don’t count under congressional limits on troop commitments, and they aren’t obliged to talk to the media. The government needn’t even discuss the details of the agreements: The Pentagon and State Department aren’t required to reveal to Congress contracts that are smaller than $50 million, and many of DynCorp’s are. All of which raises troubling questions of accountability.”17

DynCorp’s ability to rely an anonymity as a contractor for the Pentagon and others agencies allowed it for a time to remain outside the focus of any media apparatus suspicion. This also allowed the Pentagon among other agencies to have plausible deniability if something went wrong. The contractor proxy creates an environment where skirting responsibility is possible, an everyone is to blame or no one is to blame situation where no one is ultimately held accountable.

Underage Sex, Drugs, But No Rock & Roll

DynCorp became heavily involved in operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990’s during the Bosnian War (1992 to 1995) after the fall out from the Breakup of Yugoslavia. The Pentagon contracted with DynCorp to provide training and advisors as part of the UN peace keeping mission during the mid to late 90’s in the region. But “peacekeeping and training” was not all or any of what DynCorp personnel were doing in these war torn countries, keep in mind that those in DynCorp employ are apparently not all Americans. A report from The Responsible Security Association states the following:

“Kathryn Bolkovac was a police officer from Nebraska who had joined the UN’s International Police Task Force (IPTF) and had come to Sarajevo in Bosnia in 1999. Due to her expertise in child abuse and sexual assault cases, she was responsible for dealing with the domestic abuse cases in Zenica, especially with regard to women who had been raped during the war. In the course of her job, her interaction with a young girl made her aware of the child rape and prostitution in the area. With subsequent investigations, she found out about the widespread trafficking of women and girls into Bosnia by armed groups and the involvement of the international peacekeepers in this prostitution ring. Allegedly, according to the local police, trafficking in this area started with the arrival of the international peacekeepers.
Bolkovac sent emails detailing the revelations she had found to more than 50 people including officials within the UN, like Jacques Klein, the UN Secretary General’s special representative in Bosnia and officials at DynCorp.
According to Bolkovac, women and girls were “smuggled to Bosnia to ‘to work as dancers, waitresses, and prostitutes’, forced to perform sex acts on customers to pay debts and, if they refused, were ‘locked in rooms without food for days, beaten and gang raped by the bar owners and their associates’”. These girls were trafficked from Russia, Romania, Moldova, Ukraine and other East European countries. The brothels were expansive and all over Bosnia, disguised as bars, restaurants and clubs. Some of the victims were as young as twelve years old. Though raids were conducted in these establishments, they were ineffective. Following this, in October 2000, Bolkovac sent out the emails to various officials detailing the abuses.
Both Bolkovac’s and Johnston’s accounts detail how some of the DynCorp employees purchased women and children and engaged in free sex in brothels. Johnston commented about how some employees publicly boasted about purchasing women and having a sex slave at home. One of DynCorp’s site supervisors whom Johnston had initially approached to reveal the problem, later admitted to the rape of two girls and videotaping it as well. Reportedly, approximately 30-40% of the clients and almost 70% of the revenue from trafficking in Bosnia came from international personnel including the SFOR (Stabilization Force), the UN police and other international and humanitarian employees working there.
According to Bolkovac, DynCorp, which was responsible for hiring American personnel to Bosnia, did not screen its applicants well and sometimes hired personnel with little experience or questionable histories. This made them more prone to falling into cahoots with the local criminal groups.”18

So what was the fallout from this reporting of alleged crimes? Nothing. DynCorp took no action on the claims made separately by Johnston or Bolkovac, no investigation was conducted by the company. Johnston then reported this to US Criminal Investigations Command who “did substantiate some of his allegations.” Johnston and Bolkovac were subsequently fired from DynCorp after reporting the crimes. Some of the employees Johnston reported were dismissed or moved to other roles at the behest of the State Department. No reprimands or repercussions visited DynCorp from this incident and they retained their contract to continue operations in the Bosnian theater.19 In 2005, Sarah Mendelson published a report entitled “Barracks and Brothels: Peacekeepers and Human Trafficking in the Balkans.” In the document she wrote the following:

“The misperception that trafficking victims were voluntary prostitutes was shared not only by contractors but also by the DOD/IG investigators auditing contractor involvement in trafficking. Following the publication of the article "DynCorp Disgrace" in Insight Magazine, a team inside the Department of Defense Inspector General's Office was assigned from March 2002 through July 2002 to audit DynCorp's "suitability and capability to perform and its procedures for selecting and screening personnel." The Insight article described DynCorp employees "buying young girls and women as sex slaves." This article was not about prostitution but about a former DynCorp employee filing a lawsuit in which he described being fired after he informed the Criminal Investigation Division of the U.S. Army (CID) of contractor involvement with human trafficking. The employee described a pornographic videotape in which the manager of the contract appeared to rape a female. The manager of the contract also arranged for other DynCorp employees to purchase females.”20

But DynCorp’s sex crimes were not limited to Bosnia, moving a few years later we see the contractors engaging in the same elicit activity in Colombia. In 2004, The Pentagon was conducting Plan Colombia which was according to the US Global Leadership Coalition: a joint security and economic initiative started in 2000 to combat drug trafficking, weaken leftist insurgencies like FARC, and stabilize the Colombian government. This operation also had heavy involvement from the now supposedly defunct USAID.21 The crimes in Columbia were far less reported than the Bosnian crimes as an article from David Isenberg of the Huffington Post describes:

“One could also note that, in a much less noticed case, in October 2004 it was revealed that DynCorp contract workers operating at Tolemaida Air Base in Colombia distributed a video in which they could be observed sexually violating underage girls from the town of Melgar. This video was even sold on the main streets of Bogotá. Nonetheless, the Lawyers' Collective of Colombia has not learned of any criminal investigation undertaken in relation to these acts involving minors. According to follow-up work carried out by the Lawyers' Collective it was discovered that one of the minors involved in the videos committed suicide some time after the publication of them.”22

From what I could find no action was taken against DynCorp for these crimes as in the case of Bosnia. Unfortunately, the harm caused in Columbia doesn’t stop there. In 2001, during this same Plan Colombia operation there was a class action lawsuit filed by Ecuadorian farmers against DynCorp for its aerial herbicide spraying in the region. The case was not ruled on until 2016 which the farmers technically won but many charges against DynCorp were dismissed. I could not find what the monetary damages were that DynCorp had to pay out to the plaintiffs or if they had to at all. A report from Courthouse News Service details the judges ruling:

“A federal judge on Wednesday ruled in favor of 19 Ecuadoreans who claim that a U.S. company sprayed a toxic herbicide on them as part of a campaign to combat Colombian drug cartels. The 19 Ecuadorean “test” plaintiffs in the case say that DynCorp, which contracted with the U.S. State Department to carry out “Plan Colombia,” sprayed them with glyphosate as part of an effort to eradicate cocaine and heroin poppy drug farms in Colombia. U.S. District Judge Ellen Segal Huvelle said the record shows that DynCorp engaged in “a consistent pattern of reckless behavior.” “Defendants were repeatedly informed that their pilots were spraying chemicals on communities in Ecuador – at the latest, by September 2001- yet continued to carry out spray operations in a manner that deeply troubled Ecuadorian population centers, the United States government, and employees within DynCorp itself,” the 26-page ruling states.
Huvelle also found DynCorp’s actions outrageous. “The fact that plaintiffs include impoverished farmers who rely on their land to survive and defenseless children make defendants’ recklessness all the more outrageous,” the judge wrote. Huvelle said the spraying could amount to battery, which does not require “purposeful intent,” but only “knowledge that harmful or offensive contact to somebody will occur with substantially certain probability.” “In short, there is ample evidence to suggest that DynCorp and its pilots simply ignored (and sometimes mocked) the fact that plaintiffs from specific areas of Ecuador were complaining about the company’s sloppy spraying flights.”
Huvelle also rejected DynCorp’s argument that the claims should be time-barred, but dismissed battery claims for 11 of the test plaintiffs because only nine of them testified that glyphosate had touched their bodies. Huvelle allowed five test claims of severe emotional distress to survive, but tossed out all of the nuisance claims, agreeing with DynCorp that “the alleged sprayings were too sporadic and isolated in time to constitute a nuisance, which generally must be continuous and permanent in character.”23

What is noticeable about Plan Colombia (2000-2015) is that while the partial stated goal of the operation by the Pentagon and State Department was to combat and reduce cocaine growth and cultivation it actually expanded and increased. According to the Government Accountability Office, coca cultivation increased by 15 percent, while production of cocaine increased 4 percent. This begs the question: was DynCorp involved in the production and/or distribution of cocaine or other drugs in Colombia during this operation? There is evidence to back this up, according to an article from Colombia Solidarity Campaign, DynCorp has a track record of involvement in this activity. The extent to which DynCorp is involved in drug trafficking cannot be truly traced because the company is considered “untouchable” by authorities:

“Colombian authorities discovered two small bottles of a thick liquid in a package which, when tested, was found to be laced with heroin worth more than $100,000. When authorities discovered the name of the company responsible for shipping the heroin they turned the results of the ‘narcotest’ over to the Immediate Reaction Unit, which then set into motion prosecution procedure 483064. However, the heroin bust remained a secret for more than a year until The Nation began its investigation and now it seems the evidence has simply disappeared.
Apparently, a similar situation occurred last year when 29-year-old Michael Demons, a paramedic member of DynCorp’s team, suffered a cardiac arrest and was taken to a hospital in Florencia, in southeastern Colombia, where he died. Forensic tests conducted at the time revealed that the cause of death was a cocaine overdose. Mysteriously, when the Colombian Central Office of Prosecutions took an interest in the death and requested more information, all related documents, such as the legal medical reports, vanished.
And two years ago, the records of ten DynCorp employees involved in the illicit trade of amphetamines also disappeared. “Faced with evidence of the scandal, DynCorp decided to expel these employees from the country and so drop the heat on the issue,” a government investigator told Colombia’s Semana magazine.
These discoveries might only be the tip of the iceberg as DynCorp’s activities are conducted in absolute secrecy and appear to be beyond the jurisdiction of any governmental body. A high ranking police official in Colombia, who has known about DynCorp since their 1993 arrival in Colombia, told Semana magazine, “no authority, whether the Civil Aviation Authority, police or army, is authorized to search DynCorp’s planes. Nobody knows what they carry on their return to the United States because they are untouchable.”24

Moving to another theater of conflict we can find DynCorp involved in Afghanistan during the GWOT era. In 2007, The Army awarded DynCorp a 16.8 billion dollar contract to run a program entitled Logistics Civil Augmentation. DynCorp then sublet the services asked for to a company called EcoLog (DynCorp has a long track record of subletting to add more layers to diffuse responsibility as much as possible) James Burnham described the problem with “managerialism” decades ago:

“There is no mystery in this shift. It can be correlated easily enough with the change in the character of the state’s activities. Parliament was the sovereign body of the limited state of capitalism. The bureaus are the sovereign bodies of the unlimited state of managerial society. A state which is building roads and steel mills and houses and electric plants and shipyards, which is the biggest of all bankers and farmers and movie producers, which in the end is the corporate manager of all the major instruments of economic production, can hardly be run like the state which collected a few taxes, handled a leisurely diplomacy, and prosecuted offenders against the law. Nor can the same kind of men run it. The new agencies and new kinds of agency are formed to handle the new activities and extensions of activity. As these activities overbalance the old, sovereignty swings, also, over to the new activities and extensions of activity. As these activities overbalance the old, sovereignty swings, also, over to the new agencies. If a state is running steel plants, this is a more influential activity than punishing murderers; and the institution directing the steel plants has more social weight than that which makes laws about murderers.”25

EcoLog then hired workers from mainly Dubai, these roles involved everything from janitorial works, to food preparation. The method of hiring for the roles involved “recruitment fees” in which a person in Dubai or India pays a recruiter from EcoLog or a similar company to work in another country. While on its face this practice may seem above board this ends up being a large scale form of human trafficking. The report from The New Republic details this practice:

“The argument often goes: Is it really so bad to charge a worker in India a one-time fee in exchange for a job overseas with higher wages than he could find in his own country? But recruitment fees essentially create a system of indentured servitude. Workers usually take out high-interest loans in their home country to pay the fee, and the payments can trap them in their new jobs. Recruiters often mislead workers about their salary and the location of their job—promises of high-paying jobs in Jordanian hotels turn into custodial positions on U.S. military bases in warzones.”26

During the time of this articles publication, the Obama Administration claimed they were attempting to combat this practice with Executive Orders, while still awarding lucrative contracts to DynCorp full well knowing that this practice was being used. This criminal behavior continues regardless if there is a Democrat or Republican administration in office. As is common parlance now, “The system is what it does”. This same New Republic article describes the process of the monetary advantages to subletting work to a company like EcoLab:

“He (attorney Sam McCahon) cited one case where an Indian college graduate named Ramesh paid $5,000 upfront to an agent who promised an $800 per month salary to work for a U.S. contractor in Iraq. Once in Iraq, he was only offered $150 per month, but took the job because he felt he had no other choice. When the loan shark became dissatisfied with the repayment rate, he sexually assaulted Ramesh’s sister. His sister hung herself and his mother fell into a state of shock. When Ramesh returned home to India, he and his surviving family members poisoned themselves.
While labor trafficking is clearly a human rights issue, McCahon is quick to point out that recruitment fees are also procurement fraud. Under the current contract, Dyncorp and Fluor pay Ecolog to bring them a specified number of workers. The contractors assume responsibility for transporting and housing their workers and are reimbursed by the government for the associated costs. “So if a subcontractor brings over 8,000 workers, and each worker comes with a $2,500 recruitment fee, that’s a $20 million black money kickback,” explained McCahon. “This is the largest contract fraud in the history of reconstruction.” The Army reimburses Dyncorp and Fluor for all of their allowable costs, plus 3 to 6 percent of their costs as profit—so the higher the costs, the higher the profit.”27

In 2009, it came to light that DynCorp was heavily involved in pimping out young Afghani boys, a tradition that was actually outlawed by the Taliban but was revived when the US military and DynCorp began operations during the war in Afghanistan.28 This became a story when the US ambassador to Afghanistan Karl Eikenberry sent a cable to Washington after meeting with Afghan Minister of Interior Hanif Atmar and other Afghani officials. The officials referred to this as the “Kunduz DynCorp Problem”. An article from the Huffington Post documents the details from this meeting:

“In a May 2009 meeting interior minister Hanif Atmar expresses deep
concerns that if lives could be in danger if news leaked that foreign police trainers working for US commercial contractor DynCorp hired “dancing boys” to perform for them.
The tradition of Bacha Bazi “boy play” is alive and well in Afghanistan. Young boys are bought and sold, dressed up like women and forced to dance, at men only parties. Many times they are then raped or killed.
(C) SUMMARY: Assistant Ambassador Mussomeli discussed a range of issues with Minister of Interior (MoI) Hanif Atmar on June 23. On the Kunduz Regional Training Center (RTC) DynCorp event of April 11 (reftel), Atmar reiterated his insistence that the U.S. try to quash any news article on the incident or circulation of a video connected with it. He continued to predict that publicity would “endanger lives.” He disclosed that he has arrested two Afghan police and nine other Afghans as part of an MoI investigation into Afghans who facilitated this crime of “purchasing a service from a child.” He pressed for CSTC-A [Combined Security Transition Command - Afghanistan] to be given full control over the police training program, including contractors. Mussomeli counseled that an overreaction by the Afghan goverment (GIRoA) would only increase chances for the greater publicity the MoI is trying to forestall.
KUNDUZ RTC DYNCORP UPDATE
4. (C) On June 23, Assistant Ambassador Mussomeli met with MOI Minister Hanif Atmar on a number of issues, beginning with the April 11 Kunduz RTC DynCorp investigation. Amb Mussomeli opened that the incident deeply upset us and we took strong steps in response.
An investigation is on-going, disciplinary actions were taken against DynCorp leaders in Afghanistan, we are also aware of proposals for new procedures, such as stationing a military officer at RTCs, that have been introduced for consideration. (Note: Placing military officers to oversee contractor operations at RTCs is not legally possible under the current DynCorp contract.) Beyond remedial actions taken, we still hope the matter will not be blown out of proportion, an outcome which would not be good for either the U.S. or Afghanistan. A widely-anticipated newspaper article on the Kunduz scandal has not appeared but, if there is too much noise that may prompt the journalist to publish.
5. (C) Atmar said he insisted the journalist be told that publication would endanger lives. His request was that the U.S. quash the article and release of the video. Amb Mussomeli responded that going to the journalist would give her the sense that there is a more terrible story to report. Atmar then disclosed the arrest of two Afghan National Police (ANP) and nine other Afghans (including RTC language assistants) as part of an MoI investigation into Afghan “facilitators” of the event. The crime he was pursuing was “purchasing a service from a child,” which in Afghanistan is illegal under both Sharia law and the civil code, and against the ANP Code of Conduct for police officers who might be involved. He said he would use the civil code and that, in this case, the institution of the ANP will be protected, but he worried about the image of foreign mentors. Atmar said that President Karzai had told him that his (Atmar’s) “prestige” was in play in management of the Kunduz DynCorp matter and another recent event in which Blackwater contractors mistakenly killed several Afghan citizens. The President had asked him “Where is the justice?”29

Interestingly, Hilary Clinton enters the picture. In 2008 it was revealed through leaked emails that DynCorp was involved in a prostitution scandal involving a contracted site manager. Cheryl Mills a lawyer for the State Department gave Hilary a “heads up” about the story so the State Department could get out in front and run damage control. A lawyer name Jack Lew, who has been close to Clinton for decades was also appointed to “look into” the DynCorp scandals to close the loop. Lew was also assigned to investigate the State Department losing $1 billion dollars that it paid out to DynCorp that will be discussed further in this article. A Medium article exposes Clinton’s involvement:

“There is not proof that Hillary Clinton was involved in any ways in an operation to kill the story or to “tone it down.” However, this e-mail is evidence that Hillary Clinton and the State Department were aware of this scandal, and still, they continued to work in close collaboration with DynCorp. They even granted DynCorp a contract to provide support for the Criminal Justice Program Support (CJPS), which ironically involved teaching people about criminal justice and law enforcement.
Maybe it was because of the financial ties that DynCorp had with Hillary that the State Department overlooked these scandals and others that were investigated when Bill was president. Only in this election cycle alone, Cerberus Capital Management, the parent organization of DynCorp, gave $40,628 to her campaign and many more to the DNC.
Hillary Clinton may be in favor of women and children, but If she is still able to accept donations stained with the blood, tears and sweat of the victims of a questionable corporation as DynCorp, How can we trust her? How can we be sure her ideals won’t be corrupted by big money? Is this the only hope that Americans have?”30

This is a prime example of how DynCorp can continue with the same behavior wherever it operates and is never held accountable nor is anyone within the USG that refuses to reprimand the company in any way. In the Afghani instances, it is made clear that the US embassy who is overseeing operations cannot take any actions against DynCorp for their behavior, we see the US diplomates cautioning against the Afghanis “overreaction” and that any reporting on it would be dangerous and even endanger lives. In this case there was complicit behavior from both US officials like Clinton and others and the US installed Afghani officials like Atmar. DynCorp took some action after this came to light, they fired four senior managers and created a chief of compliance officer position, But no one was actually brought to justice for these crimes.31

During the same time period we move not far away to the Iraqi theater of war. This scandal mainly involves monetary fraud, although one could assume sex crimes were occurring here as well, we just don’t have any reporting to go off of that I can find. In 2010, a report was released by the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction which detailed massive amounts of unaccounted funds both the State Department and DynCorp could not locate, the State Department then played the point the finger game with DynCorp and vice versa as is standard practice in dealing with the media and the public when events like this are brought to light. A article found on jimrigby.org provides some details on the fraud going on in Iraq at this time:

“In 2010, the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction issued a report which found that the State Department and DynCorp could not account for $1 billion dollars spent training the Iraq police. At the time, Senator Claire McCaskill (D-MO) said “[INL has]been managing this contract in Iraq since 2004 and, according to this report, they have no idea where any of the money went… What’s even worse is that these are the same people responsible for police training in Afghanistan, so I don’t have any confidence that they’re doing a better job there.”
Sure enough, in 2011 DynCorp was slammed by a joint audit from the State Department and Department of Defense over their work training the Afghan police. It wasn’t the first time. Also In 2011, according to the Project on Government Oversight’s Contractor Misconduct Database, DynCorp paid $7.7 million to settle a False Claims Act lawsuit after a whistleblower alleged that the company had inflated claims under a “contract with the State Department to provide civilian police training in Iraq.”
Back in the days of earlier scandals, US Rep. Janice Schakowsky, an Illinois Democrat asked a question that I think answers itself:
“Is the US military privatizing its missions to avoid public controversy or to avoid embarrassment – to hide body bags from the media and shield the military from public opinion?”32

Stephen Feinberg

There are more scandals that DynCorp has been involved in over the decades such as in Mozambique in 2014 that I’m not going to go into detail on for sake of brevity, I will cite a source you can look at if you would like information on that scandal.33 Along with the DOJ in 2016 suing DynCorp for inflating bill claims for training of Iraqi police forces, despite this DynCorp continued to be awarded contracts.34 But suffice to say, DynCorp has a standard operating procedure wherever they are contracted in the world for engaging in rampant crime.

Moving on to other matters involving DynCorp we find Jewish Private Equity big wig Stephen Feinberg. Currently, Feinberg is the Under Secretary of Defense in the Trump administration. It can be argued that the current Secretary of Defense (sorry, I refuse to call it Secretary of War) Pete Hegseth is an errand boy or Shabbos goy for Feinberg to take the PR beating in the press and to be a potential fall guy if foreign wars go south, which they currently are in Iran. In the first Trump administration, Feinberg served on the Economic Advisory Council and then was assigned to review all US intelligence agencies in 2017. Feinberg’s current role as Under Secretary is overseeing day to day operations in the DOD. Feinberg’s relationship with DynCorp comes from his company Cerberus Capital Management, this company interestingly enough is very hard to classify and is very much an amoeba like organization similar to DynCorp. It would not be a stretch to say that Feinberg is using the power of the DOD to direct Trump war policy in favor of the Greater Israel Project.35 Jose Nino writes the below in regard to Cerberus ownership of DynCorp:

“Tier 1 Group, a Cerberus subsidiary, trained four members of the Saudi royal security detail that would go on to murder Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in October 2018. The training, conducted under a State Department-approved license from 2014 through at least December 2017, included marksmanship, surveillance, and close-quarters combat. The four men trained by Tier 1 were among a seven-person team drawn from the Rapid Intervention Force, an elite unit that answers exclusively to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Cerberus’s DynCorp subsidiary, owned from 2010 to 2020, paid a combined $22.5 million to settle two separate Department of Justice fraud actions — $1.5 million over kickbacks paid by Iraqi subcontractors in connection with a Baghdad property lease, and $21 million over inflated subcontractor billing under a State Department contract to train Iraqi police forces.”36

An article from The Revolving Door discloses the following about Feinberg and Cerberus:

“What is more, DynCorp, a military contractor owned by Cerberus from 2010 to 2020, infamously trained U.S.-backed fighters in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Liberia and reportedly supplied planes for Latin American drug wars. Cerberus also paid north of $8.7 million to resolve claims of defrauding the federal government over contract work in Iraq. With scandals like these, Feinberg’s company seems aptly named after the Greek mythological guardian of the gates of hell.”37

So who owns DynCorp now? In November 2020 Feinberg’s Cerberus Capital sold DynCorp to Amentum, which is another massive contractor with the US government in many capacities. Amentum is involved in: defense, security, intelligence, energy, and environmentalism. Amentum boasts 34,000 employs, operates in all 50 states and in 105 foreign countries.38 To me, this seems to be another level of obfuscation and an added layer to the labyrinth structure of Managerialism that enables massive amounts of crime to be conducted without anyone being held responsible. I did not find anything alarming about Amentum or their CEO John Vollmer in a cursory search of the company. Nevertheless why would we assume that DynCorp would not operate the same way they have for decades around the world? Its not like anyone is going to be held responsible for it.